FEDERAL CONCEALMENT OF OKC BOMBING PROVOCATEURS
It has been reported piecemeal in the media over the past ten years that at least 16 men besides Terry Nichols and McVeigh’s neighbor, Michael Fortier, spoke to Timothy McVeigh about attacking a federal building before the OKC bombing. The reports show that all of these men had well established ties before the OKC bombing to one or more of the federal agencies, DEA, FBI, BATF, CIA, DOJ, and the US State Department.
An analysis of the FBI and DOJ conduct to suppress evidence and witnesses in the OKC bombing case reveals a consistent pattern of actions designed to hide from the public and the courts and Congress that these 16 men had provocateur and/or informant roles that contributed to the OKC bombing, roles that included encouragement, training, providing explosive materials and in some cases assisting McVeigh in OKC at the scene of the bombing.
All of these men are known to have been seen by witnesses with McVeigh and are considered John Doe suspects by the public and witnesses. Yet the FBI and DOJ have insisted that McVeigh and Nichols had no help from John Doe participants and formally closed the OKC bombing case in early May 2005. OKC FBI senior case agent Jon Hersley has also insisted in his book “Simple Truths” and on the recent Fox News Special about the OKC bombing that McVeigh and Nichols had no help from John Doe suspects.
But the definition of John Doe used by the FBI and DOJ in courts, and before Congress and in the public media does not include informants and provocateurs since they and their roles were known to and sanctioned by the FBI, DOJ, BATF, etc.
Some notable examples of the actions taken by the FBI, the DOJ and federal judges to conceal the roles of these 16 men are summarized below. All the known details, including names and events, have not been included because of word space limitations.
At the appeals hearing for Terry Nichols, defense attorney Michael Tigar complained to federal judge Richard Matsch about hard evidence Tigar presented showing that the FBI had intentionally not written 302 reports, had hidden and withheld many 302 reports they did write, and withheld thousands of lead sheets from the courts and defense attorneys. Matsch did nothing about the Tigar evidence and did not sanction or reprimand the US prosecutors or FBI agents involved in the corruption.
In 2001 the FBI and DOJ claimed that they has misplaced thousands of documents relevant to the OKC bombing case and the revelation prompted a delay in McVeigh’s execution. They also claimed that they had improperly destroyed many other documents relevant to the OKC bombing case.
Attorney Jesse Trentadue who brought the case before judge Kimbal has publicly said on KTOK talk radio in OKC that FBI documents Trentadue has already obtained show that:
McVeigh was trained at the white supremacist compound Elohim City in far Eastern OK by an FBI informant and operative in how to build the bomb used to blow up the Murrah building that killed 168 people on April 19, 1995.
McVeigh funded the OKC bombing with monies stolen from Midwest bank robberies that were directly aided by an FBI informant and operative, a member of the white supremacist Midwest Bank robbers, and another individual who operated out of the FBI controlled Elohim City operation.
McVeigh called Halloway in North Carolina and Greisacker in St Mary’s Kansas. Halloway was in US Special Forces and helped Strassmeyer escape the INS and leave the US. Greisacker was seen in Kansas with McVeigh and Strassmeyer and fits the description of one of the men seen loading the OKC truck bomb ingredients at Geary Lake in Kansas.
After the OKC bombing Ronald Greisacker set up the Freeman in Montana on bank fraud for FBI siege, arrest and conviction while David Halloway arrived on scene to negotiate the end of the Montana Freeman standoff for the FBI in 1997.
The Iraqi Al Hussaini was seen by numerous witnesses in OKC who told the FBI that they had seen Hussaini with McVeigh before and on the morning of the OKC bombing. Hussaini was brought to OKC by CIA director James Woolsey and President HW Bush after the first Gulf War. Eventually Hussaini became a baggage handler at Boston’s Logan airport up until the 9-11 attack at which time he is said to have disappeared.
Yet during this entire time, from April 1995 until 2001, the FBI never interviewed Hussaini, even when the FBI and OK state authorities were notified of Hussaini’s presence in 1998 at a deposition in OKC. Hussaini was deposed in OKC in his lawsuit against KFORTV over the station’s investigation of Hussaini. Hussaini’s lawsuit was eventually thrown out. If Hussaini was not formally considered by the FBI or CIA as an informant or provocateur, he might as will have been because Hussaini helped McVeigh and was given preferential and protective treatment by the FBI and CIA after the bombing.
· US Prosecutors, the DOJ, the FBI and federal judge Richard Matsch have intentionally concealed the role of gun dealer Roger Moore in the OKC bombing. Less than a year after the Nichols Federal trial, Roger Moore recanted his entire testimony in a letter to federal prosecutors but nothing was ever done to Moore by Matsch for Moore’s perjury even though Nichols defense attorney Michael Tigar complained bitterly to Matsch about it in Nichols appeals hearing in July 1999.
McVeigh wrote a scathing letter that reached judge Matsch concerning McVeigh’s complaints about his defense attorneys, including Stephen Jones, for the defense attorneys’ refusal to go after Roger Moore in the McVeigh trial even though asked to by McVeigh and when told detail about Moore’s role by McVeigh.
McVeigh’s defense attorneys clearly learned for certain of Moore’s role after the Nichols trial where letters written by Moore to McVeigh were presented that showed Moore to be encouraging McVeigh to attack the New World Order. Roger Moore frequently used the alias Robert or Bob Miller in his letters to McVeigh. But Bob Miller’s name was also on the drivers license found in the Shawnee Mission locker of Midwest bank robber and FBI provocateur and informant Peter Langan. There was also exculpatory evidence available that the defense did not use but showing that Roger Moore was also arrested by the OK state highway patrol in OK for firing a tracer round into a vehicle during road rage and for fighting two troopers while resisting arrest.
Furthermore the Nichols appeals hearing in July 1999 brought to the attention of McVeigh’s attorneys the recantation letter by Moore to the prosecutors. Yet nothing was done to go after Moore by McVeigh defense attorneys, Matsch or the prosecution during the McVeigh trial appeals ongoing right up until 2001.
Moore met and recruited McVeigh in Florida in 1993 while Moore worked with the FBI, CIA and Israeli intelligence that were also monitoring the Islamic Jihad terrorist cells and mosques of professor Sammy AlArian, Jose Padilla (alleged radiation bomber) and Ramadan Sallah at WISE (World Islamic Studies) and the University of Southern Florida for over thirteen years. FBI agent Kerry Myers testified at the McVeigh trial but Myers was also involved in the 13-year operation concerning WISE with Israeli Intelligence and the FBI and CIA in Florida. There was a raid in OKC at a mosque on March 13, 1995 looking for members of WISE connected to the threat the FBI and OK Congressman Ernest Istook received of an attack on the Murrah building in April 1995.
Moore built high-speed boats powered by nitromethane for the CIA at the time Moore met McVeigh in Florida. Nitromethane was an ingredient the FBI says was used in the Ryder truck bomb transported by McVeigh. Nitromethane is also the ingredient of the binary explosive, Kenepak, that Moore sold to McVeigh for the Murrah bombing and that was recently found in Nichols house in Kansas ten years after the OKC bombing. The FBI has yet to release findings on whether or not Moore’s fingerprints were on the Kenepak materials confiscated by the FBI in Nichol's house.
Respected Republican leader and journalist Kenneth Timmerman reported in his January 2004 article “Dana Rohrabacher's Troubling Friends” that Rohrabacher has ties to radical Muslims connected to terrorism. Timmerman has written several articles and a book warning of GW Bush's and Carl Rove's strong connections via Grover Norquist to terrorist individuals and organizations.
Although Timmerman writes of Rohrabacher's blind spot when it comes to Muslim backed terrorist groups, it may be potentially much worse than that. Anything that Rohrabacher would learn from investigators about ME terrorist and FBI collusion with ME terrorists in the OKC bombing could be minimized by Rohrabacher to limit damage to himself and to his colleagues-those Republican Congressman and Senators (during the Clinton administration) who had oversight responsibility over the FBI and CIA, had foreknowledge of the OKC bombing, and covered up the OKC bombing operation.
© 2005 Patrick Briley
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Patrick Briley is a Navy Viet Nam era veteran who served on a Polaris ballistic missile nuclear submarine patrol in the Pacific." My Polaris submarine patrol in the Pacific was in far East Asia near China but I can not elaborate any more than that other than to say it was a very special, historically significant and exceptionally dangerous.
Briley was chosen to work under Admiral Rickover at Naval Reactors. He volunteered for Naval service from 1968 to 1976 during the Viet Nam era including being in Naval ROTC, a batallion commander of my ROTC unit and a Midshipman on board the ballistic missile submarine, SSBN 624, the Woodrow Wilson, as well as serving at Naval Reactors in DC for Admiral Rickover.
Patrick started research and investigation into terrorist attacks after the Oklahoma City bombing. Pat submitted his findings concerning the OKC bombing and the 9-11 attacks in briefings to high-level staff for the Senate Judiciary and Senate and House Intelligence committees, House Speaker Dennis Hastert, and the 9-11 Commission.
All of these men are known to have been seen by witnesses with McVeigh and are considered John Doe suspects by the public and witnesses. Yet the FBI and DOJ have insisted that McVeigh and Nichols had no help from John Doe participants and formally closed the OKC bombing case in early May 2005.